Crux

A wave of protests has swept across South Africa, ignited by deep-seated economic frustration but frequently spiraling into xenophobic violence against foreign nationals. As the world watches the unrest, questions arise about the fate of the nation’s cherished philosophy of Ubuntu—the belief that “I am because we are”—and what will come of the nation’s commitment to its animating idea. Bishop Joseph Kizito of Aliwal in South Africa, liaison bishop for the Migrants and Refugees Department of the Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference (SACBC), says the narrative of migrants “stealing jobs” is a dangerous distraction from the root causes of the crisis. Witnessing the turmoil from the ground, he attributes the violence to unfulfilled political promises since the end of Apartheid in 1994, and to a lack of service delivery. In an exclusive interview with Crux Now, Kizito discusses an increasing forgetfulness of the broad African role in ending Apartheid, the economic reality of the labor sector, and the vital contribution of the Church in restoring dignity through pastoral care and dialogue. “Where is the dream of Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere to unite Africa?” Kizito asks, referring to the great postcolonial leaders of Ghana and Tanzania – both Catholics – who were major proponents of broadly “African socialist” pan-Africanism in the twentieth century. What follows is Crux Now‘s interview with Bishop Joseph Kizito, edited for length and clarity. Crux Now: We are witnessing protests that begin as legitimate expressions of economic frustration but quickly devolve into xenophobic violence. How severe are the current threats to the safety and lives of foreign nationals? Bishop Joseph Kizito: We are seeing protests across the country. However, there is currently no direct threat to the lives of migrants, refugees, or undocumented people. These protests are often manipulated by politicians, especially with local elections approaching. The tension between locals and migrants is not new; there are specific groups creating this hostility. South Africa has made many promises to its people, and often those dreams have not been fulfilled. This causes pain to the local people, who then see migrants as the problem. We need interpersonal dialogue with the organizers of these anti-migrant campaigns. For now, we have urged foreigners to remain calm, stay indoors, and avoid engaging in violence. South Africans often proudly speak of Ubuntu—”I am because we are”—as a defining national philosophy. In light of these attacks, how do you view the commitment to Ubuntu in national life? The word Ubuntu is powerful; it signifies humanity and human dignity. However, there is a major contradiction between the word on people’s lips and the reality in their hearts or actions. What is said is different from what is practiced. This African philosophy is being overlooked. Since the first democratic election in 1994, people had high expectations: jobs, free houses, healthcare, education, water, and electricity. The failure to meet these social challenges has led to the brutality we witness today. Meanwhile, many illegal immigrants, migrants, and refugees have arrived in South Africa. They come because it is one of the few African economies with a functioning infrastructure and respect for the rule of law. People are free to protest, and we cannot stop them provided they are not violent or killing others. President Ramaphosa recently reminded the nation of the “debt” owed to fellow African countries for their support during the fight against Apartheid. Do you feel South Africans have forgotten this history so soon? It is true that many African countries supported South Africa in fighting the apartheid government. However, a few people have forgotten, and others do not know or care about these historical facts. It is a problem that African leaders do not challenge each other on this. Yes, it has been forgotten soon. We are living with a young generation that does not care much about the rest of Africa. The older generation, which is knowledgeable about the role played by other African nations, is largely out of politics. This does not mean people should enter the country without visas or permits. Positively, people from a number of African countries can now visit South Africa and obtain visas on arrival. This is a step in the right direction. Where is the dream of Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere to unite Africa? The core grievance of the marchers is that foreigners are stealing jobs. Do you believe foreign nationals are actually the primary cause of South Africa’s high unemployment rate, or are they being made scapegoats for deeper structural failures? Claims that foreigners are “stealing jobs” or pressuring public services like schools, housing, and healthcare are what we call scapegoating or blame-shifting. Unfortunately, this is the attitude of many locals. We cannot blame foreigners for the lack of jobs. Most jobs held by foreigners are self-created: cutting hair, mending shoes, selling fruit and clothes on the street, working in gardens, or opening “spaza” shops in townships. Others work on white farms and gardens for very low pay. We call these the “3D” jobs—dirty, dangerous, and difficult—which are not favored by locals. South Africa still has a shortage of highly-skilled labor in science and medicine, so migrants make a big contribution there. We need to raise awareness among locals about how the economy works and offer them vocational training to deal with this tension positively. What does the data suggest about the actual impact of migration on the South African labor market? We are not sure how many undocumented people are living in South Africa. Since they are undocumented, how can one know? Some estimate about 2 million, but this is not based on evidence. Even if all undocumented migrants left tomorrow, it would not create jobs for locals. Unemployment is a global phenomenon requiring a global solution. We need a national response to this crisis: we must offer more skills training to locals and call upon the Department of Labour to do its job by inspecting workplaces. Many argue that the anger should be directed at lack of service delivery, corruption, and economic policy rather than at the Somali shopkeeper or Zimbabwean gardener. How can the Church help redirect this anger toward constructive advocacy? There is a lot of anger among local people, and one can understand where it comes from. The Church uses its social teaching and theological reflection to redirect this anger and build a new humanity among locals and migrants. We ask, “Where is your brother or sister?” The Church has been conducting workshops to help communities become welcoming. For example, we support the education of migrant children by opening schools to give them a future. We have established Caritas offices in every diocese of Southern Africa to see Jesus in every stranger—to share bread with the hungry and welcome the homeless. We are sharing culture to foster relationships and integration, creating a dynamic of cohesion. We meet annually to share experiences and skills. The Church has been a voice for the voiceless. We need to overcome distrust so that we may value each other as brothers and sisters. There is still a need to assist local people in developing economic skills, learning from migrants. This is a task of evangelization. Following Pope Francis’s gospel values, we focus on welcoming, protecting, integrating, and promoting. We also need highly skilled people in major sectors like Education, where currently 14% of university staff positions are held by foreigners.

Scapegoats, not thieves: Bishop blames politics and structural failure for South Africa’s anti-migrant violence

Scapegoats, not thieves: Bishop blames politics and structural failure for South Africa’s anti-migrant violence

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